Having worked as a diplomat, I’ve seen firsthand how immigration levers are often used not just as policy tools, but as instruments of soft power and political signaling, especially in the lead-up to elections.
But this is
during an election, unannounced - not during the lead-up. And how many would actually get processed in the 4-5 weeks in question? Enough to make what difference?
There’s precedent for this. In 2021, just months before the federal election, the Liberals launched the TR-to-PR pathway for over 90,000 people. It wasn’t illegal; it was strategic. Similarly, fast-tracking Afghan resettlement in 2021 was partly about optics. Immigration decisions are often timed to support political narratives, especially during elections.
These were things announced - again -
before the election. That is indeed, and absolutely, a shift the minister can make, to support an obvious political narrative.
But what's the utility of doing something, quietly,
during the election? (And not making political hay from it)
It also doesn’t take huge numbers to matter. Even a few thousand Francophone PRs can signal progress to key voter groups in Quebec and Ontario. That’s valuable in a tight race.
Well, ambiguous political benefit in Quebec, unless micro-targetted to some specific riding. Perhaps to some francophone ridings in Ontario, and I'll admit I don't follow riding-by-riding francophone marginal vote shares enough to say.
And the idea that civil servants would leak or block this assumes it’s improper. But speeding up an already-approved stream like Francophone immigration can easily be framed as following through on policy, not interference.
Again - before an election, no issue (although at risk of getting reversed if change of govt).
But during an election, it falls under caretaker convention, in which ministers and govt should only be undertaking routine and/or necessary work (it does allow for emergencies of course). The way I've seen that in action is - decisions get made, wherever possible, at the levels below the minister (and ministers getting advice to not get involved and kick it to the deputies instead - not to mention they're usually too busy campaigning).
Now I admit, the caretaker convention is a fairly toothless one, but
charges of impropriety are easy to make (and leak). And with an opposition party hungry to come in and make/land whatever accusations they can make.
For a few hundred PRs getting processed quicker during an election, perhaps a thousand additional? I still say, not worth it.
And remember: the current govt (and any party really) can 'announce' whatever initiatives they like during the election - that's the primary mechanism for getting out the marginal vote. (And as we know well, drop the implementation after if they like). The marginal benefit of doing something
basically in secret during the election as you suggest - very minor.
I can think of other ways one might try to get some advantage, and they would be easier to control and less disruptive / noticeable to departmental business. This allegation doesn't make sense to me.